In the year period Gans examined, only 53 sociology books had sold over 50, copies. There were also several big, synthetic analyses of American society—for example, Robert Bellah et al. Going further, Gans pointed out several stylistic characteristics shared by the books.
Since the marked already draws more attention within the general culture, social scientists contribute to re-marking and the reproduc- tion of common-sense images of social reality. This has important analytic conse- quences. Three strategies are proposed toward this end: Duneier showed that a group of African Amer- ican restaurant patrons held mainstream social values, strongly disapproved of most devi- ant activity, and defined their respectability, strong work ethic, and quality friendships as more significant to their identity than being African American.
His empirical findings were unique because unextraordi- nary images of African Americans, though ontologically prevalent, remain largely unexam- ined in media and social science accounts of African American culture.
Within several areas of American sociology the ontologically unusual attracts dispropor- tionate epistemological 1 attention relative to its prevalence in social life. This epistemo- logical asymmetry between our treatment of extraordinary or marked phenomena and ordinary or unmarked ones has important analytic consequences.
The concept of markedness was first introduced in linguistics by Nikolaj Trubetzkoy and Roman Jakobson in the s see Trubetzkoy Craig Calhoun and the anonymous reviewers for Sociological Theory were also most helpful.
A fellowship from the Sexuality Research Fellowship Program of the Social Science Research Council with funding from the Ford Foundation provided financial support during the writing of this article.
As such, I employ the concepts somewhat differently from their initial use in the tradition of philosophy. For descriptions of their use in philosophy, see Hamlyn Linguists have since applied the concepts of the marked and the unmarked to grammar and lexicon as well as phonol- ogy.
The marked item is always more narrowly specified and heavily articulated than the unmarked. The distinction between marked and unmarked elements is as heuristically valuable for analyzing social contrasts as it is for looking at linguistic ones. The unmarked represents the vast expanse of social reality that is passively defined as unremarkable, socially generic, and profane Brekhus We perceive some elements of social life as marked figures while most of our social landscape blends into the unmarked background.
Behaviors, attitudes, categories, identities, social spaces, and environments that are considered socially extreme are marked or actively highlightedwhile those that are regarded as socially neutral remain unmarked or taken for granted. Language plays a key role in the social marking process.
The very act of naming or labeling a category simultaneously constructs and foregrounds that category. By making a compound form for a special type we also passively construct the normative case or generic type by its absence of any linguistic qualifiers. In ideal-typical cases of unmarkedness we fail to even have a name for the default portion of the continuum.
Waugh provides a more extended analysis of their utility outside linguistics. See also Brekhus for a discussion of their utility in studying the hierarchical organization of social identities.
The unmarked generally remains unnamed and unaccented even in social research. Although there are many deviance journals to analyze socially unusual behavior there is no Journal of Mundane Behavior to explicitly analyze conformity.
Within American sociology a de facto tradition in the sociology of the marked has formed. I formalize the heuristic concepts of the marked and the unmarked as basic features of social perception.
Using examples from sociological research, I then suggest that some of our research unintentionally reproduces and reinforces common cultural stereotypes by overemphasizing morally critical or factually exotic social phenomena.Hollywood Be Thy Name: African American Religion in American Film, (George Gund Foundation Imprint in African American Studies) Judith Weisenfeld From the earliest years of sound film in America, Hollywood studios and independent producers of "race films" for black audiences created stories featuring African American religio.
By integrating issues of diversity throughout the book, Ferguson helps students see the inter-relationships of race, social class, and gender, and the ways in which they have shaped the experiences of all people in society. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews Mitchell Duneier Street Contemporary Sociology 42, 6 American Sociological Association DOI: / we approached, an African American host .
Uncovering a Hidden “I” in Contemporary Urban Ethnography. Mitchell Duneier; View. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City this book examines how. Broken Windows case study Here's how Broken Windows works in real life.
A "subway swiper" —Mitchell Duneier "Congratulations!!!" American Journal of Sociology "Riveting" —Monica J. Massey, ACJS Today The press like the book, Cop in the Hood. A Fresh Look At Sociology Bestsellers.
by Wesley Longhofer, Shannon Golden, and African American studies, and media studies all dwarf sociology sections in university and retail bookstores. As mentioned above, our list is likely biased against older books. and Mitchell Duneier’s Sidewalk, as well as methods books like Emerson et al.